At a global level, for many nationstates, the year ahead will prove pivotal as several key challenges and opportunities remain at the fore. In particular, the global recovery from economic crisis continues at pace, but is not certain or indeed secure. Secondly, conflict is a major challenge in several regions, and long-running confrontations – including the significant clash between the Interlaken alliance and the rouge regime of Solaria on Gallia’s southwestern coast – remain likely to continue in 2025. Most pronounced however, among more developed states, is a now well-established concern over the level of pollution present across the globe, with proven impact on both health and the environment – largely in terms of more extreme weather and reduced sunlight. The Assembly of Nations seems unprepared, or perhaps unwilling, at this stage to lead on tackling this issue, but several states eye the year ahead as a key moment to press for change. Building on steps forward taken in 2024, the new year offers a chance to reflect on these, and other concerns.

Cardia and Gallia

In terms of stability, Gallo-Cardian leadership at a global level remains dominant heading into 2025, as the two regions continue to far outstrip most of their nearest rivals in terms of both economic and military might.

In the west, the United Republic in particular paves the way in terms of economic growth, well ahead of all other major established economies including its neighbours – a trend expected to continue into the new year. Karolina, not far behind, has also strengthened its own recovery, with the two nations increasingly returning to pre-crash levels of growth and standards of living for the first time. Economically, The Free States on the continent have also seen a modest return to fortune, one Belmonté, Havenshire and Erlangen-Ansbach have struggled to match. 

Militarily, ITO (formed of course by several prominent Gallo-Cardian nations, as well as Cantignia which joined later in 2006) is still facing a final stand-off with the remnants of the Solarian regime in Torrence – a mission that has so far proved more difficult than expected. Defensive strongholds in the former Lier capital put coalition forces on the back foot in 2021 when they closed in during Operation Doomsday. These however became losses which in the end proved too politically costly to see continue. The freeze in place ever since has seen the alliance camped out around just one kilometre short of the city centre. In the next few weeks however, ITO leadership is expected to lay out a new battle plan – with the months ahead likely to prove decisive. The war has been costly, and the conflict continues to be a strain on Gallia in particular. All involved countries remain keen to see a swift resolution. But whether national capitals have the political resolve to see it through, however, will be key. 

Elsewhere, Gallia’s Meridian transition nations such as Polasciana and the Central Republic aim to benefit from their recent and soon-to-be respective accession into the Gallian and Centrican League. The economic bloc finally opened itself up to negotiations in 2018 and while initial tensions have at times boiled over, on the whole its revised membership model is paying dividends in terms of driving economic growth and expansion. Whether such an arrangement can stand the test of time will begin to be seen in 2025, as Alta finalises its own joining terms. But so far, hope seems realistic.

In Cardia meanwhile, Secadores is seeking a final resolution with the Western Former Colony, hoping to see the new state finally find its feet, most likely as the Western Cardian Republic. The small breakaway nation has so far struggled to make a deal work –  arguing over terms with its historic ruler after declaring independence in 2012. West Usea is also seeking reparations from Chambón for delaying its entry into the Assembly of Nations after its own breakaway a decade earlier.

Environmentally, Eiffelland, with its Long Sea coast line, as well as Villesen and Karasicena, sitting on the Cold and Great seas respectively on Gallia’s shorelines, seek more assurances on protection. Polasciana itself has recently finished the first of two major tidal barrier projects, while Trier is instigating similar infrastructure investments on its western coast. A more comprehensive deal on tackling pollution could also be forthcoming in the year ahead, with a summit expected to be held in Sereniérre by the summer.

Aridia

The northern territories of Aridia enter the new year on a firm footing, with White Sea nationstates remaining a bastion of stability. The region however lacks the economic power and scale to challenge and rival its more southern brothers.

Regional leadership in Aridia continues to be largely provided by Anglyn as well as Norseland – the largest states by population and all economic measures. Though, both Skarabost and Storhavn and Fjalladrottning are growing economies in their own right, and could rival the traditional powers by the end of the decade. While fishing overwhelmingly remains the key industry in the region, oil extraction – although deposits remain relatively limited – is growing. Further exploration for sources of energy in Nosterria are planned by a coalition of nations in the year ahead but Strägnäs’ Hammas fields provide the greatest new yields, as Akershus picks up pace in Faranhoe.

The quasi-independent Belmish territories in Brettaine also begin 2025 seeking more autonomy from Villesen. Many believe a new independent nationstate could be pronounced in New Orley by the end of the decade, and the largely self-governing territories will be keen to make progress in establishing a more formal arrangement between themselves. Augustine, off the south-west coast of the chain is also expected to be involved in any discussions, given its role as a base for Faranhoe oil platforms.

The Whiteland Isles and Gedeland in particular are keen to join Gallian discussions on environmental protection – facing rising sea waters, despite Aridia being one of the cleanest and unpolluted regions across the globe. Concern over fish stocks in the south of the territory are also causing nations to push for an international process, potentially through the Assembly of Nations. Ostry is coordinating efforts in the Gothic Sea, with Gallian partners Kennelly.

Calania

Having largely benefited from improved relations across the Amadi Ridge and the Pearl Sea, Calania has taken significant strides in the last few years, seeing it enter 2025 as one of the fastest growing regions.

The Sun Republic buoys the region as its largest nationstate, but clever decisions by its not-so-entirely-democratic government have helped it extend its dominance beyond just its physical size. Tourism has boomed, while the country is producing more and more domestically – helping it establish its own supply lines, independent of global trade. Able to rely on a wealth of natural resources, Sur operates almost as a ‘mini-world’ within itself, from its lush beaches, to its towering mountains and industrial heartlands. Macalania and Midrasia, while independent states within their own right, dwarf in comparison – and in 2025 now risk becoming vessel or satellite countries without change.

That same consideration sees Limirosi-Vilcea as the region’s largest geopolitical risk – with tensions between Cicilla and Las Cruces at a record high. The former wants guarantees of its independence, which it won in 2008 during a small, limited, conflict. But a war of words has now escalated, and patience is running thin in the Sun’s capital. In 2025, it is likely Midrasia’s intervention could prove pivotal one way or another. The semi-autonomous region of Bogestia is also on the watch list, with many concerned over a rising number of bandit groups using the territory as a base for illicit imports and trade from Himyar.

The island nations of Puérto, Tulus and Biminis and the Isles of Saint Honorat in the north, as well as the Hanseatic States in the south remain relatively disconnected from the rest of the region, but, like many other smaller nations, are concerned about rising sea levels. Their own involvement in international discussions regarding water and air pollution and the impact of The Sun Republic’s growing industries on them and the wider region will therefore likely be watched closely by neighbours.

Seora and Hesperia

The South East continues to recover from the devastating economic and social impact of the 2008 atomic disaster in the Former Capital States. But, the region however faces ongoing challenges, both related to, but, also beyond the circumstances in Paripana.

Cantignia, Potenza and Montellimar recovered a lot of ground in 2024 – with economic growth picking up almost to pre-crash levels. Quality of life however remains squeezed, with large amounts of government income having to contribute to the cleanup in the UCS Decommissioned Zone. Neighbouring Pacitalia in particular has tried to renew terms of the agreement governing the operation, aiming to spread the financial burden more generously across the region, but has so far failed to convince other nationstates a reworked deal would be in their best interest. An expected election in Briminia later this year is likely to see a new government formed by the opposition which has said restoring the region’s economic power is its first priority, but tensions on its own borders between Valdeza and Aleconia continues to suppress the country’s impact. Its approach also remains somewhat shrouded in mystery – with some of the country’s neighbours concerned that it could seek to shift Pelasgia away from its eastern cousins. The Cote de Asur also remains entangled in its own ongoing territorial disputes. Queensland is being dragged in as a regional moderator, and will be eyeing progress over the next 12 months.

Overall, however, the environmental impact of the 2008 disaster remains the region’s most pressing concern. Arapaho says contamination continues to be well within the boundaries set by the international community after the crisis, and it is supportive of the measures in place. It has not yet called for a loosening of the protection orders, or being able to reclaim territory currently contained in the exclusion zone. Ruthenia-Monkecia however has said a revised border could be ‘attainable’ by 2030, with Rompalla seeking to regain land to unify its territories “as soon as possible”.

Himyar and Savannah

While certainly not live at the moment, the potential for direct conflict in both regions is perhaps larger than ever in 2025, as a messy patchwork of nations attempt to navigate a large populations across a huge expanse of interconnected land.

Economically, Jurzan continues to dominate. That certainly will not change in the year ahead – with the country continuing to grow and invest on a scale unseen previously in Himyar. The sheer scale of the state, and its increasingly centralising approach, however, is causing issues for the Maharaj. Its ‘Grand Canal’ remains years behind schedule, and other major infrastructure projects are also creaking under the weight of administrative pressures. Rising tensions with Savannah’s Labua’e on its eastern border, are also hitting its Ablithican oil industry. The same is true on the Gulf Coast to the south, with closed-shop Barazi. Sandwiched in the middle – Bismallah, which dominates discussions in the region as a flashpoint between Jurzan and the world’s biggest nationstate by territory, Bangala. So far, any move towards military action has been spared, but both states continue to ratchet up the pressure. A more normalised relationship with Elon in the north however shows that Sarjah can negotiate when it wants to and regional neighbours Talemantros, Carentania and Lusitania are all pushing for more discussion to relieve pressure.

Jurzan’s Bari majority however continue to clash with Urzu minorities – particularly the states of Qa’mar and Hjar on the Pearl Gulf, with Sarjah unable to reign in the provocative Jurzan-backing Haifa from destabilising waterways across the sea. The two major Irfan groups therefore remain at loggerheads in Himyar but also in Savannah, as Jazirat, Wallsalia and Salamat all seek to share the Sub-Adelan Plateau. The potential for war here continues to escalate, particularly given territorial disputes in Lobito. Neighbouring South Savannah however is emerging as a regional player, and could help bring the different parties together. That certainly is a hope amongst the international community – with many seeking to support West Cape’s development.

Elsewhere, Umbazi piracy, Altai’s ongoing stand off with Zamoska and wider instability add to the region’s woes. Sinhai, cradling Bangala, however, is carefully watching South Savannah’s growth – with its leaders hoping to emulate what its western regional neighbour has managed to achieve so far.

Sarvaria

The Varlden Strait remains possibly the greatest dividing line on the globe. On its western edge, Centrica – a symbol of capital. On the other, Sarvaria – a region attempting to remould itself after several hundred years of communitarianism. In 2025, the latter’s development could stall through the boiling over of tensions with a potentially global impact.

Since democratic revolution in 1993, Saria has attempted to project itself as a model for other transition nations. Indeed, while many have followed its example, Kadikistan, remains resolutely tied to communitarianism and has shaped the eastern shores of the region in its image. Belmonté’s departure from its Sarvarian territories in the 1990s left a void – one at times Ivar has filled using military action to extend its philosophy – most famously, capturing the Kolmar in 2008. A build up of troops on the border with Rascasia now in November once again suggests it may be seeking to do the same. So far however the move has been met with relative ambiguity by an international community reluctant to be drawn into further crisis in the region. Coalition forces remain deployed to nearby Sikandara on the southern Border with Boliatur, all as significant resources have also been used to strengthen the Boli state. Many however, see it as a lost cause, and expect a Kadiki vessel state to emerge in the territory instead within the next 10 years. Its Jafna region, however, could be carved out by international partners for defence, given its large supply of critical natural resources. 2025 is likely to be key to the future of how this particular crisis shakes out.

More widely, both Nuweland and Telora have signed cooperation agreements with Saria on energy, as well as a regional pact aiming to reduce industrial pollution. Karakhstan and Kashtan however continue to increase their own production rate – beginning to slowly shift the balance of power in the region. Kalistan and Kryobaijan in the south too eye faster economic development, but instability in neighbouring Bedistan continues to make northern Arez nationstates much more desirable as potential partners than these on the banks of the Upper Great Sea. Saria itself, also continues to wrestle with its eastern daughter – Greater Saravia – which has its own domestic challenges. Whether any progress can be made towards normalisation on each of these in 2025 will be followed closely.

Toyou

Finally, historically, much more likely to be at the top of this list than here, languishing at the bottom as the world’s most unstable and dangerous region, Toyou is heading into a year that will be defined by its ability to respond to and potentially stave off further armed conflict – with all other issues in the region dwarfed in comparison.

South Sortain’s Declaration of Independence from the Sortain Territories in May sent shockwaves through the region, sparking a war which is being fought with one of its richest states, Allegia, trapped in the middle. Hellenia says it has ‘patience’ – but only as long as it is not directly drawn into the conflict. But with two largely drafted, unprofessional, armies facing off against each other the potential for wry-missiles is extremely high. Yujin says it is also ‘watching’ carefully, and is keen not to be involved, but how long this neutrality from the region’s major states can last is anyone’s guess. The Empire’s borders with Sortain – both north and south – are largely rocky and mountainous without significant population centres. The same cannot be said for Allegia, with Florentine, one of its biggest cities, sitting just several hundred miles from the north’s exclave territory of Soria. Meribia is also seeking to avoid interaction, but is in constant contact with Saria – from which Sortain was granted independence in the early 2000s – with whom it retains a strong partnership, alongside communitarian authoritarian state Kadikistan. A signal from Prešov one way or the other could bring Monkton into the crisis directly, and with a trained military, prove decisive. Racow says it wants a “peaceful transition” while Solis refuses to recognise any loss of its territory. 

Xiuan, making its own break from Yujin in 1982, could be a model for Sortain – where Zhenjing refuses to recognise its independence, but has not actively moved against Sarinpuji since a obscure non-aggression arrangement was agreed six months after the initial declaration. Yujin is however seeking to stave off an attempt by Shanpei off its eastern coast, going the same way. Tianlong wants more autonomy – taking inspiration from Siyang, which achieved a special status in 1978, before going its own way in 1980 – albeit with the permission of the Emperor. Shanpei sees itself closer to Oikawa and its Implarian sphere of influence, rather than the Yujin capital, given Kogichak’s embrace of a less industrial, more financial economic model, as well as its more secular society.