Polasciana
United Federal Republic of Polasciana зямлізмены (Sarian) | |
|---|---|
Anthem: "The Nation In Union" | |
| Capital | Karasicena |
| Largest city | Arvi |
| Official languages | Sarian |
| Other languages | Centrican, Vallesian, Ilic |
| Ethnic groups | 68.4% Meridian Sar 21.9% Noric Gal 5.2% Berlangen Valle 1.4% Bari Il'm 3.1% Other |
| Religion | None |
| Demonym(s) |
|
| Government | Semi-presidential Federal Ministry |
| Ivan Tattar | |
| Krill Serbin | |
| Major General Vasyl Sydorenko | |
| Yulian Sharonov | |
| Anton Vladic | |
| Justice Dmitri Korsakov | |
| Legislature | Federal Executive |
| Federal Council | |
| Federal Assembly | |
| Formation | |
| 8 April 1996 | |
| 31 December 1996 | |
| 12 May 2003 | |
| 31 May 2003 | |
• Gallian League accession | 1 January 2020 |
| Area | |
• Total | 537,595 km2 (207,567 sq mi) (52nd) |
• Water (%) | 3.07 |
| Population | |
• 2011 estimate | 51,754,370 |
• Density | 123/km2 (318.6/sq mi) (64th) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2018 estimate |
• Total | ₲1.083 trillion (31st) |
• Per capita | ₲20,925 |
| GDP (nominal) | 2019 estimate |
• Total | ₲681 billion (32nd) |
• Per capita | ₲13,158 |
| Gini (2015) | medium · 33rd |
| HDI (2017) | high · 28th |
| Currency | Polascianan Kryak (₭) (PKR) |
| Time zone | UTC+1 (CMT) |
• Summer (DST) | UTC+2 (CMST) |
| Driving side | right |
| Calling code | +66 |
| Patron saint | Saint Severence |
| ISO 3166 code | POL |
| Internet TLD | .ufed |
Website ufed.world | |
Polasciana
(Sarian: зямлізмены, Gallian: Zedenfëss, Vallesian: Terramedios, Ilic: Zamziliemy), officially the United Federal Republic of Polasciana is a nationstate in The Meridian, situated on the border between the Gallian and Sarvarian regions, constituting the former disputed territories of The Polamar. The country has a population of over 53 million people and borders Eiffelland
to the west, Wiesereich
, the Centrální Republika
and Uttania
in the north and Scherbatskaya
to the east. Its southern coast and islands have shoreline borders with the Upper Great Sea.
A federation of nine provincial states, three city regions and four island territories[1], Polasciana was founded in its own right in 2003 after formal unification of the former People's Republic of The Polamar
and the Democratic Republic of Saracia-Polamar
following several decades of war[2]. The country’s political, economic and societal makeup, are all heavily influenced by its history - which is dominated by divisions between its Sar majority and Gal, Valle and Il'm minorities. Its capital, Karasicena, is a semi-autonomous city-state within the territory of the Provincial State of Kamchetka, while its largest city, Arvi, lays in the Provincial State of Amar.
The country is governed by a directly elected President and an elected Central Federal Government headed by a Prime Minister. The current President of Polasciana is former Federal Council Leader Ivan Tattar, a Unionist, who holds a majority in the upper-house[3]. The current legislative session began in 2023, where Prime Minister Krill Serbin - the leader of the National Party[4] - heads a coalition government with the Rally for Democracy party in the lower-house of the Federal Executive as the 10th Federal Ministry of Polasciana. The country's Armed Forces are led by an appointed Commander General, while the Union Court forms the basis of the country’s judiciary - both are virtually independent of government and are not accountable to the houses of the Federal Executive.
Following its establishment, Polasciana embraced rapid economic reform[5], with the population also becoming more secular and socially progressive under the leadership of Koruin Gruaman of the Center Party, who served as the country's first President, and launched several key initiatives towards offering citizens universal healthcare and expanding its developing comprehensive school system. Between 2007 and 2008 the Unionist-led Ministry invested heavily in national infrastructure, including significant investment in roads, ports and hospitals which resulted in a dramatic rise in its national debt.
Polasciana has seen significant rises in the standard of living and a continually expanding economy since unification, led predominantly by manufacturing, agriculture and an increase in trade - particularly in fishing as well as its emerging industry in the export of oil and gas from the country's Ilyusha fields. Its reliance on fiscal borrowing however was a significant factor in the country's economic destabilisation, triggered by the 2007 Gallian Economic Slowdown - a financial crisis caused by the onset of political instability in the Lierland
, on the border of the Long Sea, and the 2008 Global Economic Crash prompted by the collapse of the Unified Capital States
in Paripana. The country has continued to face significant ongoing political and security challenges ever since. It was not until January 2015 that economic growth returned to levels above 0.5%, while pre-crash annual figures of 5% to 6% are not expected until at least 2026. Despite widespread economic deregulation, most large enterprises, industries and utilities also remain under public control, managed by local state administrations and other government controlled organisations and bodies.
Polasciana is a signatory of the Global Covenant, a member of the Assembly of Nations
, International Protectorate
, WTB, and, since 2020, the Gallian and Centrican League. The country also holds observer status at meetings of the GDF and has previously attended special conferences of the ITO alliance in both 2009 and 2020.
Etymology
Polasciana was formally adopted as the name of the country during the process of unification between the People's Republic of The Polamar
and the Democratic Republic of Saracia-Polamar
in 1996, stemming from the etymological foundations of the two main sources of water running through the territory - the River Polasana in the east, meaning ‘mountain river’, and the Sariana Estuary in the west, drawn from the Sarian for ‘flat water’, from which both precursor states had also taken their names. The official spelling is also formed in Sarian using 'kірунак' ('polas' or ‘mountain'), from which the term 'Polamar' (meaning ‘peoples of the mountain’) also derives, 'акіян' ('ci’ or ‘sea') and 'ать’ ('ana’, meaning ‘water’), together meaning 'from the mountains (Polas) to the sea (ci) by the water (ana)'. The decision to use this interpretation was selected above other proposals including 'Polamar', 'Saracia', 'Polesia', 'Galavia' (a merging of the Gallian and Sarvarian regions) as well as other historical terms including 'Magilla' and 'Niveria'. Prior to its modern use, 'Polasciana' had also been recorded in historic documents as being used interchangeably with 'The Polamar' in referring to the territory, and peoples, where Gallia meets Sarvaria across what is now modern-day Polasciana
, Scherbatskaya
and the Centrální Republika
.
History
Early history (1C-10C)
The Settlements
In the 1st Century, settlers from traditional Noric Gal communities (in what is now modern-day Centric in the Free States Union
and Burgenland in Erlangen-Ansbach
) began migrating south eastwards over the Uttan mountains for further sources of water and better access to the Upper Great Sea for fishing. They formed early settlements on the banks of the two main sources of flowing water in the territory of what is now modern-day Polasciana
- which they named as two rivers. The first, the ‘Norica’ (meaning ‘to the north’, now the Sariana Estuary) and the ‘Bersana’ (now Polasana, meaning ‘between the mountains’) - becoming known as the Noric Communities of the Lower Gallian Peninsular. By the 3rd Century, explorers from the Sarvarian Territories
(meaning ‘home’ or ‘northeast lands’), also began migrating south, seeking access to natural resources and arable land. This led to the establishment of a number of Sar settlements in the region and the displacement of traditional Gallo-Noric communities, which by this point had existed for several centuries.

At the time of the 5th Century, Sar settlements had increased exponentially - creating tensions between the ethnic groups and the development of a major cultural dividing barrier and flashpoint between east and west - in what would later become known more widely as The Meridian (meaning ‘middle’).
Continued migration into the region over the next four centuries resulted in further divides between Noric and Sar communities - with the latter establishing cultural, architectural and economic prowess over the lands, which by this time expanded along the Long Sea both eastwards, bordering The Il’m
, and westwards, towards current day Eiffelland
, forming the distinct region and territory of 'The Polamar' (“mountain people”) within The Meridian. During this time Noric names and references were removed, with their replacements derived solely from Sarian.
Early states
Under threat by the People of The Il’m
, a developed nationstate centered on the historic city of Agra in the east, the de-facto leader of the Meridian Sar settlements King Polyansky declared the formation of the Polesian Kingdom
, in 980. As a result of the declaration, the Il’m
issued a statement of war against Polyansky and the fast developing Holy Centrican Empire
, situated to the north, also began actively defending the increasingly isolated Noric communities, forming proto-states - namely the Norican Kingdom
which united many disparate northern settlements, as well as establishing the much smaller but significantly stronger Kingdoms of Krönach
and Koranic
ruled by King Hahn in the south. In turn, this would escalate tensions significantly, triggering widespread violence across the territory. At the turn of the century, the increasingly oppressive Polesian state sought to expel the Noric and Il'm populations from its borders - an act that has been more recently been defined as ethnic cleansing. Polyansky launched an assault against Noric settlements within the state’s borders, where many were burned by the King’s forces. At the same time he ordered the full invasion of the Norican Kingdom
. A counter-offensive was organised by the Holy Centrican Empire
- with fierce fighting centering on the city of Niveri, which had become the Polesian state’s de-facto capital. Victory for Polyansky at the Battle of Niveri, saw the Polesian state expand further north and west - far beyond the current northern boundary of present day Polasciana and its borders with Uttania
, Eiffelland
and Wiesereich
. In an act of dominance, the King also renamed the state as the ‘Kingdom of Niveri'
after the historic losses suffered by the Noric community during the battle. Ever since, the city of Niveri has, controversially, remained an important and historic settlement in the region, and the Niveri Palace is still the seat of Polasciana’s Head of State to this day. Polyansky would then declare war against the other Noric-backed satellite states in the region - including both Krönach
in the south west, from which the name of the modern-day Polascianan state of Kresnovic is inspired, and the south-eastern shoreline communities of the Koranic
kingdom, close to modern day Kraunai, seeking total dominance of the region. Saretic Sotrianity was also proclaimed as the only legal religion in the territory, with Gallic churches burned and ransacked.
Middle Ages (11C-19C)
Fall of Niveri
Conquering the southern Noric coastal regions proved more of an obstacle for Polyansky’s forces. The state faced fierce fighting from both proto-states and the Holy Centrican Empire
also attacked the Niveri state from the west. At the same time, the southern and eastern islands and border region of the Meridian peninsular, including Mascila, which had been largely uninhabited and unfortified, were invaded by the Valle-based Livinian Kingdom
, of Queen Lezebia.


ships land on the southern coast, forming the Berlangen Kingdom 

in 1696 after the Munsliv RevolutionTaking the islands and several key parts of the region’s shoreline, the Vallesians created a foothold in the region which they used to invade the Koranic Kingdom
, replacing it with a new Valle-backed satellite state. Signing a truce with King Hahn and forming an alliance with the Holy Centrican Empire
- Lezebia’s Berlangen Kingdom
(from which the modern-day Polascianan region of Béspura derives its name) established vital trade and supply lines into Gallia and Sarvaria, eventually leading to the defeat of Polyansky’s northern Niverian Kingdom
in 1002. The victors killed Polyansky, pronounced the end of Niveri rule in the Meridian and formed a successor state in its place known as 'Magilla'
(or “Northern Mountain Kingdom”) - where Queen Gesler, of a mixed Noric and Valle family, and the cousin of King Hahn, was installed to reign on the throne from the newly established city of Karasciena - which by this time was highly fortified and situated in the centre of the country's territory. Historical records suggest that Noric and Valle minorities were encouraged to expand beyond their traditional communities, into what was considered a ‘multi-cultural society’ with Sar citizens participating in civic life under the regions new rulers. Many however disagree with this account and suggest Sar people were forced to comply with strict cultural and civic rules, or face expulsion or execution. Forced migration of many ethnically Valle settlers from surrounding countries to the region also took place around this time and Gallic forms of Sotrianity were reintroduced into the region.
The Reign of the Three Kingdoms
Supported by neighboring Noric and Valle states, the Kingdoms of Magilla
, Berlangen
and Krönach
would together form an increasingly strong alliance in governing the peninsular - which prompted significant growth and development of each state. This period of stability, with the power of each balanced by the other, became known as the ‘Period of the Holy Trinity’ or the ‘Reign of The Three Kingdoms’ but by the 14th Century, the Magillan
state was developing at a faster rate than the Noric and Valle Berlangan
and Krönach
kingdoms - both of which were significantly outpaced due to the larger population and geographical size of the Sar-majority state. This would eventually lead to its territorial expansion and the formation of the Greater Kingdom of Magilla
, which would also later then incorporate the Berlangan Kingdom
in the 15th Century, with the Gesler-Hahn family ruling until 1696.
The Sar Renaissance
In 1696, King Gesler II (Herman Gesler) was overthrown in the Munsliv Revolution, after Alexander Munzliv launched a bloody battle against supporters of the Magillan rulers
in an armed uprising of Polamar nationalists. Munsliv disbanded the Magillan state and formed the Niverian Patriarchy
where Noric and Valle communities would once again become marginalised from society and any mixed cultured families were sent to execution – including the children of the Gesler-Hahn family who were still considered at the time as the rightful rulers of the territory by surviving monarchist forces. The Niverian state would then again fight wars with the Krönach Kingdom
, Holy Centrican Empire
and the Livinian Empire
, but defeat in many major battles would result in its retreat from both the west and north, forming something close to the current borders of modern-day Polasciana. During this time the Niverians would also stave off invasion from resurgent and advancing Il'm
forces from the east which sought to take advantage of a Sar-majority state under siege. While it reduced the country's territory, and caused rifts across the region, the revolution was successful domestically, with the Patriarchy lasting for almost 200 years - forging a much deeper and expanded culture in the country, as well as the arrival of many more Sar migrants from the north east.
Restoration of the throne
In 1886 however, following the death of Patriarch Munzliv IV, fierce fighting broke out between the Sar-majority and minority Noric and Valle communities once again resulting in thousands of deaths and a prolonged war. In 1889, the Patriarchy
was defeated and the Scheigan family, descendants of Noric royals from the Krönach Kingdom,
, now known as Kolburg
, restored the throne with support from the Holy Centrican Empire
and the Livinian Kingdom
, as part of a reformed Niverian Kingdom
. The restoration of the Noric-Valle monarchy would mark the end of majority-Sar dominance in the region for what would be nearly thirty years, and ushered in a new age of uncertainty, where the Scheigan rule was defined by continued unrest between ethical and cultural groups and ultimately failed to establish a strong and secure state on the peninsular.
Conflict (1919-2003)
The December Revolution
King Scheigan I was assassinated at his Royal Palace in the capital of the Niverian Kingdom
, Niveri, on December 19th 1919 when underground nationalist military leaders launched a second revolution. Utilising rising nationalist sentiment across the globe, military leaders in Niveri secured significant support and assistance from the Workers' Republic of Carentania
, which had been formed a year earlier through its own communitarian revolution.


was quickly divided with heavy fortifications being builtThe December Revolution saw two prominent military leaders instigate a purge against loyal supporters of the monarchy and pronounce the formation of the State of Polamar
. It also marked the first time that Polesian nationalism and the Meridian peninsular's wider culture and society had been heavily influenced by communitarian ideology. Religion was also outlawed. While the revolution was successful, the formation of two rival factions following the declaration ended hopes of an immediate end to violence. Factional leaders in the west, based from Niveri, proposed that the country be governed by a ruling council and rotating civillian presidency - with representation for each of the Sar, Noric and Valle communities of the former Niverian Kingdom - an arrangement opposed by eastern leaders, initially centered in Zahmloy, who sought to return to a Sar-majority controlled state. Both factions refused to compromise and revolution turned to civil war, with fighting continuing and resulting in hundreds of thousands of deaths – the majority of which belonged to the Valle and Noric minorities. The factional divide would ultimately usher in a period of instability which would remain until the birth of the modern Polascianan state in 1996, and create many of the ethnic and political dividing lines still present in the country today.
Declaration of war
The Polesian Civil War continued until 1926 when, against international pressure from neighboring states - including the recently independent countries of Franken
and Eiffelland
- a shared-statehood plan was signed to govern the State of Polamar
. Any agreement had initially been rejected by both movements, however domestic pressure for a political settlement grew significantly after a failed putsch against military leaders in Niveri, forcing both actors to negotiate. Meeting in Karasicena on the 9 September 1926, the leaders each respectively abolished their claim to a unified Polesian state and pronounced the formation of two independent states - the mixed-ethnicity State of Saracia
in the west (meaning ‘the open lands’), and the predominately Sar-majority Eastern Communitarian Republic of the Polamar
in the east. By 1932 both states had adopted the majority of the arrangements detailed in the plan, but neither had declared a formal peace with the other - leading to ongoing tensions and occasional skirmishes. In 1938 both states also rescinded their earlier rejection of a claim to the territory of the other, transitioning to become the People's Republic of The Polamar
and the Democratic Republic of Saracia-Polamar
respectively by 1941. A formal declaration of war between the states was issued later that year.
The Wars of Retribution
From 1941 onwards both republics deployed significant national resources targeted at increasing technological development, while utilising underground militant groups to plan and undertake terrorist attacks against the other. Killing many citizens, each new attack by one state brought a retaliatory action by the other, with the fighting becoming known as 'The Wars of Retribution'. Designated by many international observers as a civil war, the Assembly of Nations
treated the conflict as one between independent states, but failed at repeated attempts to bring both sides to negotiation. In 1954, two territories in the neighbouring Cibolenland - which would later become Scherbatskaya
and the Centrální Republika
- were earmarked by The Il'm
to become independent states, utilising a form of democratic civilian leadership. The move bolstered proponents of a wider peace agreement and potential democratic transition for The Polamar
, however tensions instead increased further with military border patrols being strengthened as citizens of the People's Republic
tried to flee eastwards. Its military leadership also brought in new laws which designated ‘deserters’ as ‘enemies of the state’ - with death considered a rightful punishment. This hard-line approach was then strengthened again in 1955 when Minich Kinvah became the Commanding General of Communitarian Polamar and increased the use of violent attacks against Saracia-Polamar
exponentially. With a sharp increase in the number of fatal assaults, an uprising against the western state’s leadership brought Uyri Inauyna to power - a commanding officer who was known for taking ‘brutal’ militaristic decisions. The two men rapidly escalated the real and propaganda war between the two sides - resulting again in a significant increase in the use of terrorist attacks and targeted assassinations in the conflict, including the murder of police officers, officials, peacekeepers and international journalists. By 1961 there was renewed pressure for a peace agreement and plans would be presented both by Eiffelland
and The Freestates Union
in 1962 and 1963 respectively, as well as a third plan by The Il'm
and its former states in 1965.


All were rejected, and the population of both republics fell as a result, with internationally backed refugee and resettlement programmes launched, most extensively for Noric and Valle communities from Saracia-Polamar
, which were being increasingly targeted in aerial bombing raids by the east. The Royal Livinian Kingdom
in an alliance with ten other nations - including regional neighbours Wiesereich
and Uttania
as well as other Valle and Noric states across the globe such as Aleconia
, Lusitania
and the Western Free States
- supported some 900,000 people to relocate and leave The Polamar region in the period between 1965 and 1971. Communitarian nations such as Kadikistan
and Carentania
tried to disrupt the passage of refugees, and gave funding and weapons to military leaders of both republics - although heavily favouring the People's Republic
. Communitarian support was also used to encourage and pay foreign fighters into the region - most significantly from The Il'm
which by this point was collapsing, with young men wanting to flee, as well as Jurzan
and Jazirat
in Himyar and Savannah which were experiencing their own civil wars. Nearly a million fighters resettled in The Polamar, with Khali, Bari and Urzu communities further diversifying its ethnic makeup and introducing Irfanism into the territory for the first time.
Uprising and reconciliation
Kinvah died in 1982, and was succeeded by Vladimir Marinin, 78, who was appointed as President of the People’s Republic. Due to his age and rapidly decreasing health however, Marinin did not make strategic or military decisions - deputising to relatively unknown and unaccountable advisers and generals. As a result of indecision and infighting between the country’s senior leaders, living standards and life expectancy continued to fall at an increasing pace in the People's Republic
, with the Saracian state
quickly gaining an economic, political and military advantage in the conflict. The number of attacks between the states also began to fall for the first time in over four decades and dissatisfaction with communitarian military leadership in the east began to grow. Marinin died unexpectedly of heart failure in 1989, but generals at the conference to elect his successor were reportedly confused as to the succession plans - which were written by hand. Devyan Mull, a younger but relatively inexperienced general, was elected president and tried to wrestle control from apparatchiks within the leadership. Many inside accounts from the time claim that Mull was not Marinin’s chosen successor, with speculation that future Commander General of the Polascianan Armed Forces and one of the deputy commanding general’s at the time, Yuri Schechan, was passed over for fears that he would not be as easy to control as the younger Mull. As the result of an ensuing internal power battle and major disagreements over strategy, several botched domestic attacks on minorities resulted in the deaths of many Sar-majority citizens and the regime became increasingly unpopular. Fearing an uprising, Mull worked with communitarian loyalists to funnel additional money into the country to prop-up its failing economy and launch a domestic propaganda campaign, but undermined by his generals, the actions of the state became increasingly erratic, most notably resulting in 60 Bari immigrants being killed in a suicide attack - what is thought to be the first example of such a bombing on the Meridian peninsular - in Cheiaka in August 1991. This was followed by a heavy payload device in its late stages of development exploding in the Amarian city of Nyit in 1992 - causing the single biggest loss of life during the wars, with the death of 993 citizens on what has become known as 'Scarlet Sunday’. Both incidents prompted global outrage at the Mull regime, which was seeking to develop extraordinarily powerful and dangerous weapons with the support of other communitarian states in order to gain an advantage over the west.


In response, protests in Saracia-Polamar
led to the overthrow of the military leadership, with Andreo Sukao becoming the first popularly elected Head of Government. Forming the first cross-state political party, the 'United Confederation Party’, which was quickly banned in the east, Sukao stated his intention to “create a new political consensus”, establish civilian leadership in both republics and backed an internationally drafted peace plan. His far-reaching appeal prompted an assassination attempt by the People's Republic
and Sukao was almost fatally injured. Despite widespread condemnation and a strong domestic backlash, no uprising took hold in the heavily policed eastern state. By the end of 1993 however, Mull - who’s accession historians have since regarded as the single largest contributing factor to the ending of direct hostilities - was removed as president in a coup orchestrated by more moderate military generals and replaced by Nado Milutinovic who closed the country's domestic weapons programme and expelled foreign fighters who had not permanently settled in the territory. As a result, whilst violent attacks still occurred, they were much smaller in scale and often resulted in minimal deaths and injuries. Shortly afterwards accusations of war crimes and political corruption were raised against Sukao in the west by international newspapers which covered stories exposing his role in planning coordinated attacks in both republics designed to attribute blame on the east and force acceptance of the international peace plan - which would have seen the People's Republic
subsumed by the west. The Saracian
republic was heavily undermined by the international outrage, but Milutinovic's regime did not respond with retaliation or violence. Sukao would be removed from power in a popular uprising and replaced by peace activist Akim Beletsky who changed the western republic’s ‘governing settlement’ in 1994 to include the statement; "to achieve a peace without the use of violence” and brought charges and sentenced Sukao to 12 years in prison from 1994. The act of sentencing Sukao, the first criminal charges brought on either side throughout the conflict, provided political will within the eastern government to engage publicly with the western leadership for the first time since 1940 in 1995 when Milutinovic cautiously welcomed the election of the western republic’s first elected female leader Darina Kovac. Just months later, the east proposed negotiations on a “pathway to peace” for the first time, but while the terms were initially rejected by Kovac, the offer began a number of secret high-level discussions between the states.
Democratisation
In 2008 it emerged that by late 1995 both Milutinovic and Kovac through representatives of their respective governments had begun to draft potential agreements and ‘instruments of peace’ that they sought to propose at a conference to be held in Leipoa in April 1996 - in what would be the first in-person public meeting between the two. Negotiations had been supported by military leaders on both sides who felt that, particularly with democratic revolutions taking hold in once supportive countries such as Carentania
and Saria
, there was ‘relatively limited’ military options left to end the stalemate. The historic Unity Conference on 8 April 1996 saw both states agree to work “in principle towards the formation of a united federation with civilian leadership” and set a deadline of 31 May 2003 for any transition[6]. A special administration, The Transition Council, was to begin negotiating a peace plan from 31 December - with Milutinovic and Kovac, who would assume joint responsibility for the process[7], receiving international acclaim following the conference. The process of unification brought the accession of a new generation of leaders drawn from across both republics, in a phase known as ‘Central Diversification'[8], who supported the Council in gradually combining the economic, social and, lastly, military affairs of each state. The so-called ‘Chapter 1 Articles' were signed on 18 June 1998 as a framework for the future state which renounced the Communitarian Charter, proposed the boundaries of unitary semi-autonomous regions and created a new system of government, balancing presidential and prime ministerial power in a constitution[9] that gave equal right of settlement to the different ethnic groups of The Polamar
. Plans for democratic elections were also agreed[10], which would be held in 2003. While the peace plan was supported officially by both states, many officials resigned from their respective governments, with some leaving the country and resettling in Kadikistan
, one of the last remaining communitarian nationstates. The resignations were kept private, to avoid undermining the unification process.

The 2003 Polascianan Presidential Election was contested between several major new political parties - where nearly all of the leading candidates had been involved with the Transition Council negotiations in some capacity between 1998 and 2003, despite concerns raised by international observers that this could lead to a ‘semi-democratic’ political culture rather than one that would be classed as ‘free and fair’. Nado Milutinovic and Darina Kovac, as the joint chairs of the council[11] agreed not to stand or campaign in the election and instead made speeches about the importance of voting in several appearances across the country together. Koruin Gruaman of the Center Party was elected as President of Polasciana on Sunday 11 May 2023, becoming Chair of the Federation of the States of the Former Disputed Territories of the Polamar the next day, having stood on a platform to “embrace the international community” and bring “unity and freedom” to all citizens. Gruaman’s victory was a surprise, given his mixed-ethnic background and coming from a Noric family in the north of the country, with the Sar-majority Unionist candidate Stepan Michalvich having been the favourite to win the election.

Gruaman’s deputy, Marina Yanaka was appointed as the country’s first Prime Minister[12], having won a majority of seats in the newly created Federal Assembly - the lower house in the country’s legislature and formed the 1st Federal Ministry of Polasciana on May 31 2003 when the seven year unification process ended, on what has become known as Foundation Day[13]. President Gruaman was sworn in on the same day. The transition process was commended by the International Protectorate
, who have since tried to propose similar models in other contested states across the globe, and Polasciana
formally became a member of the Assembly of Nations
.
Modern history (2003-Present)
Federal Republic
Communities across the country held festivities and street parties in celebration of Foundation Day, which was pronounced as an annual national holiday by the Yanaka government. A first meeting of the Federal Council was then held in the new Federal Executive building in the country’s new capital of Karasicena on 1 June, with provincial leaders that had been elected at different levels including governors and mayors that would sit on the Council in attendance. Yuri Schechan was also sworn in as Commander General of the Polascianan Armed Forces for an initial ten year term, which would expire in 2013 - having been appointed by the Council and approved by the Assembly. The Yanaka administration was also required to follow a strict roadmap which had been drafted as part of the peace negotiations - setting the government clear objectives and defined remit for its first year where it was focused on supporting the country’s states, cities and territories adopting their own responsibilities under the Union Agreement. In particular, the government worked to ensure that citizens had seamless access to public services such as schools, hospitals and welfare services. Universal income, which had previously been offered to citizens in the east, was phased out and replaced with a less comprehensive form of state benefit, and whilst most changes in financial support were to be slowly phased in over a longer period of time, a number of measures would take effect almost immediately. Many had therefore feared that some communities could be left without financial provision or sufficient support, prompting concerns over civil unrest in more populated areas, including the country’s largest city Arvi. In the summer of 2003, President Gruaman launched an international tour, seeking to support the government in forging trade deals with countries including neighbouring Uttania
, the Centrální Republika
, Scherbatskaya
and Wiesereich
as well as securing wider agreements with Telora
, Talemantros
and Erlangen-Ansbach
. By mid-2004, the Yanaka government announced plans to further internationalise the economy, launching what became known as the Yanaka Market Reforms[14], selling many public industries and signing significant arrangements with foreign countries to encourage inward investment. The Prime Minister’s respected adviser Yevginy Kalandarshivilli and Finance Minister Dimochka Yakushkin were praised for their roles in architecting the reforms - which led to increased economic growth and staved off concerns about the ongoing democratisation of the country. Increased investment in education and health saw life expectancy and literacy rates increase by some 20% from 2004 to 2006.



However, after several scandals, including accusations of bribery and corruption levied against the government, as well as the 2007 Munsau Terror Bombings, the Center Party lost its majority in the Assembly with several members resigning to become independents. The party would also lose the 2007 presidential election with Union Court judge Pavel Lukyanov becoming President after creating an alliance between his Unitarian Party and the Sar Unionists. The agreement gave the combined Union Party enough seats in the lower house to form a government, with Maksim Obelschenko becoming Prime Minister, forming the 2nd Federal Ministry. The government rapidly increased public spending, but the onset of violence in the Lierland
began to create global economic destabilisation. A number of domestic political disputes over how to respond also caused the country to become increasingly divided, and as a result economic growth slowed, with the nationstate facing a number of combined major political, social and economic challenges.
Instability
Significant economic contraction in late 2007 caused an acute political crisis for the Central Federal Government - with a number of so-called large-scale ‘vanity projects’ coming under significant criticism. Most notably, the country would be forced to cancel the planned 2008 World Games Winter Series which were due to take place in the northern city of Ukhyny - in a newly built sports park located in the outer-metropolitan area of Brezúga and Niveri on the Uttanian
border. The new city plan had been developed at significant cost to promote the region and rebrand the country as a leisure resort - but cuts, implemented worldwide due to the 2007 Gallian Economic Slowdown, and 2008 Global Economic Crash, with the collapse of the Unified Capital States
in Paripana after a nuclear accident, saw a number of states withdraw from attending the games. They were ultimately cancelled in a major embarrassment for the government. The ongoing economic crisis stripped the economy of almost 35% of its net-worth, and many other schemes were mothballed including the construction of New Solsoa City (a new financial hub in Kamchetka state), plans for a bid to host the 2008 Continental Football Championship with the Centrální Republika
, the development of a new airport in Amar, as well as the creation of a new national airline. At the same time the Long Sea Crisis led to ministers agreeing substantial investment in Polasciana’s armed forces. Retired frigates were purchased from the Teloran
navy, and the air force received further funding to bring forward the construction of new Vapor jets being developed as part of a consortium with the Centrální Republika
, Scherbatskaya
utilising technical expertise from Carentania
and Saria
. Military costs increased by some 12% annually funded by increased state borrowing, leading ultimately to cuts in and the eventual abolishment of compulsory military service. Concerns over safety in the country’s island and border region also saw increased spending on flood defences. Combined, national debt reached 230% of the country’s economic forecast which, together with growing dissatisfaction of the government, saw the opposition - led by Koruin Gruaman - win the 2008 legislative elections, with the former president succeeding Obelschenko as Prime Minister. The Unionist’s defeat created a major split in the party, with many leading figures placing significant blame on President Lukyanov who had become increasingly unpopular and was criticised for being ‘too remote’ and ‘inexperienced’ in dealing with many of the challenges the country was facing.
Domestic pressure only grew further when the government was asked by the Interlaken Treaty Organisation to assist in and host international negotiations with Kadikistan
, a former communitarian partner, when it threatened the invasion of the Kolmar territory in Boliatur
during late 2008. Three days of talks were held with Ivar in Urnayt in the Isisny Islands, which proved highly controversial, and added to political divisions in the country. While helping delay the planned Kadiki
invasion, and allowing ITO allies time to mobilise try to defend the territory, ultimately the discussions were unsuccessful, and Lukyanov was accused of having tried to create ‘unnecessary conditions’ in his own interest which had prevented a successful resolution[15]. It would later be suggested that the government had tried to agree a naval and aviation technical supply deal with Kadikistan on the sideline of the discussions[16], sparking international outrage.



invasion of the Kolmar Following conclusion of the negotiations, Lukyanov also suggested he could be a 'bridge' between ITO and the Solarian regime in the Lierland
, something met with widespread dismay by other countries in the region and beyond. As a result, the president became increasingly isolated politically and was criticized for “ongoing interference” in major international matters, which saw Polasciana shunned from many global forums. Navigating a split government (where the presidency and premiership were held by different parties) for the first time, Prime Minister Gruaman then asked his ministerial team to draft and prepare a motion to the lower house to limit the powers of the presidency. The resulting Presidential Limitations (Amendments and Redefinitions) Bill, restricted measures available to the office holder without Federal Executive approval, and introduced new electoral rules with the inclusion of a run-off vote should no candidate reach 50% as part of presidential elections - in an attempt to prevent a similar deal being struck between two parties as the one agreed between Lukyanov and Obelschenko in 2007. The introduction of the bill split the Unionists further, and ultimately, after being signed into law, led to Lukyanov’s resignation from the party. The crisis, and the subsequent motion, also created the conditions for ongoing split government until the present day, with the machinery and working of government often stalled as a result. Growing dissatisfaction with democracy, and falling turnout of voters in elections has been observed since.
Security fears
Further concern over the country's stability was then again raised after an assassination attempt on Briminian President
Luiz Domínguez during a state visit to Karasicena, closely followed by a suicide bombing which targeted President Lukyanov in the southern city of Siret. Both came as global tensions were growing between many states and the region saw increased military mobilisation. Several further terrorist incidents in neighbouring Eiffelland
, placed significant pressure on the government domestically, particularly after accusations arose that a number of terrorist cells were active in the southern provincial state of Kresnovic and had potentially played a role in enabling attacks in Eiffelland, including on its capital Trier.



Increased cooperation with Eiffell security services saw coordinated action across the Lower Gallian Peninsular, with hundreds of people arrested over fears of further plots. Law enforcement was also successful in foiling an attempt to blow up a government office in Baia, but several smaller attacks continued in Eiffelland. A controversial immigration law, which would all but stop foreigners claiming asylum in the country, was then passed after it was widely reported that Bajram Thaqi, who had sought to kill the president in the Siret attack, had emigrated from Gorno-Altai
in 2006. Diaries released from the time detail how Severina Forcova, the wife of President Lukyanov, encouraged the president to resign, fearing further threats and health effects as the crisis worsened. By 2010, accounts even suggested that Lukyanov was 'virtually absent' from his role, with former First Deputy Prime Minister Gennadiy Artamova largely undertaking his duties while serving in the capacity of Federal Council Leader. Mixed with ongoing political instability more widely, including within the co-governing Centrist Party, Polasciana was then placed on the WTB's 'High Risk' list in 2011, resulting in foreign investment and economic growth in the country slumping to its lowest level in history.
A major high-speed rail crash in Dubrovka and the failure to pass landmark energy reforms - a central flank of the government's legislative agenda - saw Prime Minister Koruin Gruaman suffer significant challenges in his campaign to win back his former position at the 2011 Presidential Election[17]. Facing a no-confidence vote from his own party, the Prime Minister approached the United Nationalist Democrats leader Tymur Rubin to sign a cooperation agreement in the lower house[18], seeing UND Assemblymembers, particularly from the Valle community join the government for the first time[19]. The arrangement was heavily criticised by Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Sukhorukov who resigned[20] - citing that the deal reduced Sar influence in government - sparking a full leadership crisis and riots in the country's largest city of Arvi[21]. President Lukyanov was forced to intervene[22] after Gruaman refused to step aside, urging the Prime Minister to present a new executive team. As a result, the largely unknown Energy Minister Ludvig Fedorov was promoted to Foreign Minister, later succeeding Gruaman as Prime Minister[23] after Gennadiy Artamova became Polasciana's third President following the election[24].
Regionalisation
President Artamova quickly established himself as an astute statesman, reinvigorating relations with some of the country’s closest neighbours, after what he deemed previously ‘misjudged relations.’ State visits were conducted to Unitania
, Eiffelland
, Wiesereich
as well as Karakhstan
during the first two months of his presidency. Meetings were also held with representatives of the Gallian and Centrican League, Interlaken Treaty Organisation and Gallian Defence Federation. Newly installed Prime Minister Ludvig Fedorov largely concentrated on domestic issues, although visited Nicosia
after working with several other countries to launch a naval exclusion zone in the Long Sea due to the developing situation in the Lierland
[25].


Artamova's replacement as Federal Council Leader, Ivan Tattar, led negotiations together with Energy Minister Dmitry Lebedev to establish new offshore oil and gas fields on the Schnet Coast and Upper Great Sea, as well as licenses for the creation of new pipelines, hailing progress towards a shared goal of energy independence. Prominent Noric Assemblyman Transport Minister Fabian Meyer was also appointed by the President to lead accession talks with the Gallian League, discussions he would replicate as Foreign Minister in 2019 and eventually succeed in gaining Polasciana membership status to the bloc. The move by Artamova to begin discussions ignited ethnic tensions within the Centrists, spawning the creation of the Sar-nationalist Freedom Front movement and splintering political debates along community lines for the first time since unification.
Despite rising tensions within their own respective parties and across the political environment, President Artamova and Prime Minister Fedorov served alongside each other in a relatively successful co-arrangement for some seven years until 2018. During this time Artamova became the first Polascianan Head of State to be reelected, defeating former Prime Minister Marina Yanaka in the 2015 Presidential Election[26] and holds the record as the country's longest serving leader, completing eight years in office. Fedorov, tied with Koruin Gruaman when combining his time as Prime Minister and President, also served for seven - having secured reelection at the 2013 Legislative Elections. He resigned as party leader in the run up to the 2018 vote, where Foreign Minister and de-facto Deputy Prime Minister Asta Dahn succeeded him in the role. A year later, Federal Council Leader Ivan Tattar, Artamova's protegé, became the country's fourth president, ending what had became popularly known as the 'Artarov Era' - a period of government under the two leaders that while not without its challenges and tensions was famed for its relative stability.



Together with Yuri Schechan, serving throughout as Commander General of the Polascianan Armed Forces, Polasciana was hailed under Artamova and Fedorov's leadership for the reestablishment of political and trade ties with countries in the region[27], namely the signing of an economic development plan with neighbouring Scherbatskaya
, attracting increased investment from Livinia
and the Freestates Union
and the creation of new export deals with Karakhstan
[28], Kryobaijan
[29] and Sereniérre
. The assistance of the Polascianan Armed Forces to ITO in fighting the Solarian regime in the Lierland
as well as taking part in humanitarian support and refugee settlement schemes for Sikandara
[30] and Zamosca
[31] were also highly commended. Economic growth also witnessed a significant increase on persistently stagnant levels seen in the previous decade[32], although they remained stunted compared to pre-crash figures. Both Artamova and Fedorov were however criticised for failing to counter what has been seen as a reemergence of Sar-nationalism by the end of their combined time in office, including the establishment of the Freedom Front and Unity political movements as well as the electoral success of the Nationalist Party under former Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Sukhorokhov.
Political stagnation
Since 2018, Polasciana has experienced reemerging political turmoil, with the Niveri Palace and Federal Ministries trying to navigate continued split governments. The country's fifth Prime Minister, Asta Dahn, struggled to establish a working relationship with Ivan Tattar, and post the 2020 New Years Day Terror Attacks, her government faced continued pressure and scandals, ultimately leading to her resignation in April 2020. Acting First Deputy Prime Minister and long-time Centrist minister Krill Serbin took over, initially on a temporary basis, before being appointed Prime Minister in his own right later that year in June. Initially welcomed into his role by the President, and resetting the relationship between the two, Serbin and Tattar negotiated the successful passing of the 2020 Energy Independence Act, the Federal Wage Floor Package and an agreement that Major General Vasyl Sydorenko would replace Yuri Schechan as Commander General of the Polascianan Armed Forces. By 2021 however gridlock returned to Polascianan politics as the pair faced growing criticism from the Nationalist Party in a series of political disputes.
The 2023 Polascianan Presidential and Legislative Election held in June, where Serbin was defending his party's majority, caused major controversy after the initial results were ruled illegitimate by the country's judiciary, the Union Court. The leader of the Nationalist Party, Alexei Sukhorukov was arrested as part of an investigation into electoral fraud and it was announced the vote would be re-run in July, sparking violence in the country's capital Karasicena. Concerns about democratic freedom were raised by leaders in neighbouring Eiffelland
as well as by the Free States Union
and the Gallian League. While Ivan Tattar secured reelection in the new ballot, the eventual results of the legislative vote saw Serbin fall short of being able to form a government and a third election was held in November - after which his newly reformed National Party agreed to form a coalition with the Rally for Democracy party, supported by the Polasciana Patriots Party, the successor to the banned Nationalists. The arrangement was heavily criticised by many, but a further election was not deemed a viable option.
Since taking office, the new government has prioritised improving relations with the Gallian League which had strained over an automobile manufacturing deal signed with the Centrální Republika
- which the bloc said contravened aspects of Polasciana's accession agreement. The much-delayed Northern Schnet Coast Tidal Barrier was also completed in June 2024, as part of the country's coastal defences. Economic growth was also announced as having rallied to 4.2% since 2023. Presidential elections are next due to be held in 2027, where a new office holder will be appointed as Ivan Tattar is ineligible for a further consecutive term, followed by a legislative vote the year after, unless the Federal Executive is dismissed before by the Presiding Officer at the request of the President and Prime Minister.
Geography
Polasciana is a mid-sized nationstate comprised mostly of a significant continental mainland (394,675 km²), sharing the Meridian peninsular with Eiffelland
, as well as several islands and administered waters on its south coast in the Upper Great Sea (142,920 km²). Its entire area sits within the 9.2-10.4° divisions using the Standard scale.


The country's northern states are situated much further above sea-level than the lowlands of the south, but all experience a varied mostly temperate climate - with temperatures averaging 13.33 °C across the year. In the summer, highs of 38°C are observed while the winter sees lows of -12°C, particularly in mountainous regions in the Uttan and Kronatic ranges. In the former, shared together with Uttania
and Wiesereich
, Severence Top, located in Yevcimir, is Polasciana's largest peak - standing at 2,314m, while Tyntt in Kresnovic stands at 2,138m. Western and southern states receive more rainfall than elsewhere, while snow is common during winter months. The landscape is mixed, although the majority of the continental mainland is arid, affording significant natural resources including iron ore, coal, magnesium, natural gas, salt, sulphur, graphite and a relatively small amount of oil reserves. Its islands supply timber, while the Schnet Coast and Isisny Bay provide large fishing stocks. Arable land is mostly located on the banks of the Sariana Estuary, the Polasana river and Lake Bakoia in the centre of the mainland which also contain peat deposits as well as reserves of chalk, gravel and clay. These major bodies of water make up 95% of Polasciana's fresh water supply.
Several climate-related challenges pose major threats to the country's population as well as its biodiversity and environment. In particular, extreme weather conditions and coastal erosion on its southern coast due to thermal effects created by the slowing of Great Sea currents by the shallow waters around Polasciana's Islands and Border Region and Scherbatskaya's Bradivenland. Pollution, caused by industralisation, also affects several states, in particular Amar as well as Buratiyan which account for some 70% of the country's industrial output.
Administrative divisions
The country has nine provincial states - Amar, Béspura, Buratiyan, Chimsk, The Isisny Islands, Kamchetka, Kresnovic, Preaisk and Yevcimir - and three city regions made up of Karasicena the capital, Arvi its largest city, and Emajic which gained its status in 2018. Polasciana also has four island territories in the Upper Great Sea - Idir, Olkshoi, Samsucha and Simishir. Most existed prior to unification of the former People's Republic of The Polamar
and the Democratic Republic of Saracia-Polamar
as semi-autonomous regions. The islands of Belev, which lay just off the mainland close to Kiasé, are a designated military zone and are administered centrally by the Central Federal Government.
Urban areas
An estimated 60% of the country's population live in urban areas. Amar is Polasciana's most densely populated state, where some 10 million lay in its 'Industrial Belt' - concentrated in the country's largest city, Arvi, straddling the Polasana. Kamchetka, and Béspura are the second and third largest states, followed by Buratiyan, Kresnovic, Yevcimir, Chimsk, Preaisk and the The Isisny Islands in terms of number of citizens. Zamhloy and Mozyr in Amar are the largest centres without city region status, followed by Ukhyny in Yevcimir, Ivanopol in Kamchetka, Jaekto in Buratiyan and Kiasé in Kresnovic.
Politics


Officially, Polasciana is classed as a semi-presidential federal republic - however some aspects of its constitution, the Union Agreement, incorporate features normally more present within unitary forms of government. Most notably, certain rights retained in law for the different ethnic groups within the country, which at the central level which cannot be changed or overridden by the country's states. These measures feed into regulations at the regional level - particularly in education. Defence, and the development and deployment of the Polascianan Armed Forces, is also a reserved issue for the federal government, with the states having no formal or informal role in either the appointment or scrutiny - including through the Federal Executive - of the Commander General. National authorities at the federal level also oversee some elements of local government and services provision where states are not seen as having necessary expertise or experience.
The President of Polasciana, the country's Head of State, is directly-elected every four years, with the office holder limited to serving a maximum of two consecutive terms. The presidency is responsible for chairing the 40 seat Federal Council, through an appointed Council Leader, forming the upper house of the country's Federal Executive. The chamber is comprised of representatives from the country's states, either elected governors, mayors and chiefs or one of 26 dedicated councillors and can both propose and approve legislation. The appointment of all Council representatives is dependent on local state provisions, however elections must be held within a maximum of a four year period - and most choose to align with scheduled presidential or legislative votes. The 170 member Federal Assembly forms the lower house, and members are elected at legislative elections held every five years. The Central Federal Government is led by an appointed Prime Minister, who, as Head of Government, together with their executive ministers, is usually drawn from the lower house's leading authority (majority) members, where 86 seats is required for a majority. Since 2011, legislation proposed by the Assembly and the appointment of Polasciana's Foreign and Finance ministers has been subject to Council approval by a two-thirds vote.



Law
Working Polascianan Law is a civil law system deriving jurisprudence from the Union Agreement, which incorporates the major principles and tenets of the Global Covenant. The Union Court acts as the country’s highest judicial force, ruling on all matters of federal and constitutional law, while local state courts are responsible for all other legal matters and criminal prosecutions. Criminal and civil cases concluded prior to unification are considered "settled matters" under law, with rulings standing in place. Unprosecuted crimes however were pardoned by default at the time of the country's establishment. For international arbitration in trade and sovereignty disputes, Polasciana recognises the authority of the Justice Assembly. With its accession to the Gallian League in 2020, the country also must adhere to trade laws set by the bloc's Trade Council. A formal dispute was lodged in 2023 against Polasciana in Gouw Marken for breaking manufacturing terms, as part of an agreement with the Centrální Republika
. The stay was withdrawn in 2024 following a deal being agreed, which placed further limits on Polasciana's ability to import automobiles.
Political parties
The country has multiple political parties, largely separated by their position on the issues of ethnic recognition, federalisation and communitarianism. Since unification the Polascianan Center Party, now known as the National Party, and the Unionist Party have dominated representation within the country's governing institutions. The Centrists, an anti-communitarian party, favouring greater devolution to Polasciana's states and ethnic groups, have controlled the Central Federal Government and the premiership for 20 of its 21 years. The Unionists, a more centralising and Sar leaning party, have held the presidency for 17 years - uninterrupted since 2007. Koruin Gruaman is the only Center politician to have served as President (2003-2007), and also the only figure to have served in both roles, having also been Prime Minister between 2008 and 2011. Maksim Obelschenko meanwhile is the single Unionist to have held the premiership (2007-2008), alongside the Centrist's Marina Yanaka (2003-2007), Ludvig Fedorov (2011-2018), Asta Dahn (2018-2020) and currently Krill Serbin, appointed in 2020. Incumbent President Ivan Tattar, elected in 2019, was preceded by Gennadiy Artamova (2011-2019) and Pavel Lukyanov (2007-2011). Smaller parties have had mixed success in terms of rivaling the two major forces, but with each of the Communitarian Workers Party, United Nationalist Democrats and Nationalist Party historically being represented in the Federal Executive. Rally for Democracy and the Patriots Party have recently emerged, largely in place of other parties, following the 2023 Election Fraud Scandal, alongside several independents elected largely on state and community level issues.
Foreign affairs
Formally, both the President and Prime Minister hold joint and equal responsibility for Polasciana's approach to and relations with other nationstates - although the balance of power between the two often changes depending on the office holders at any particular time. The role of both Foreign Minister - overseeing day to day foreign policy issues - as well as the Chair of the Foreign Executive - responsible for Polasciana's diplomatic service - have also adjusted in terms of influence and prominence as a result of this dynamic.

frigates and destroyers were purchased second hand by the government in 2007

The Central Federal Government under the purview of the Prime Minister has however become the de-facto ultimate decision maker on military affairs outside of conflict, given the powers attributed to the role in controlling other ministries and departments, such as both the Finance and Defence offices, where spending and operational decisions are made. This has been exacerbated further during periods of split-government, where the posts of President and Prime Minister are held by individuals from opposing political parties.
Overall, Polasciana considers closer integration with both Gallian and Sarvarian nations as a primary strategic objective - but has long held an ambition to remain an independent force in the region. It has therefore provided assistance to ITO but also maintained constructive relations with communitarian Kadikistan
and other Revolutionary Defence and Trade Organisation nations. This is largely viewed through the prism of energy security, where the country seeks stability and diversity of supply given its industrial and domestic energy requirements and prior experience of over-reliance on the support of communitarian states. Despite expansive efforts to increase diplomatic relationships, Polasciana's direct neighbours, as well as the Livinian Kingdom
and Carentania
with which it has historic and cultural links, remain the country's closest allies. Its domestic and international positioning on several key global issues, including environmental protection and democratisation, and its experience with conflict has also seen the country make several interventions on humanitarian and global development issues on the world stage. This has often been in partnership with other nations, as well as the International Protectorate
, at the Assembly of Nations
.
Military
Moderate concerns over the ability of unification to deliver a lasting peace saw the Transition Council pursue a policy of modest demilitarisation. As a result, the process of integrating the armed forces of the former People's Republic of The Polamar
and the Democratic Republic of Saracia-Polamar
saw their standing armies scaled back, while reserves of military hardware were scrapped. Both already had relatively limited professional forces, having relied heavily on paramilitaries and imported weapons and fighters during the wars. The newly combined Polascianan Armed Forces were therefore designed primarily as a defensive volunteer force, with restricted capacity to act outside of this remit. It was only in 2007 that military spending began to increase, as a direct result of military action by ITO against the Solarian regime in the Lierland
and across the Long Sea, which created a more professionalised army, navy and air force. Compulsory military service for those of 16 years of age was later withdrawn and more modern second-hand hardware and technology was purchased from or donated by Telora
, Carentania
and Saria
as a part of a joint programme to strengthen the military capacity of Polasciana, as well as the Centrální Republika
and Scherbatskaya
. By 2011 the Polascianan government proposed lowering spending on defence and the armed forces, but was forced to shelve the plans after the resurgence of fighting on the continent. Throughout, the country's military was led by Commander General Yuri Schechan, who had been an officer in the Eastern Republic. Gennadiy Artamova, who became President in 2011, served in the same force. Schechan was replaced by Major General Vasyl Sydorenko who has led the services since.
Economy



Polasciana has a mid-sized, stable and growing economy[33], largely characterised by significant and longstanding government intervention. A major programme of liberalisation has however been underway since the country's formation in 2003 - moving further from a centralised system of state control, towards a mixed market model with a competitive domestic business environment and foreign investment.
Development
Under the Transition Council between 1996 and 2003, the economies of the former republics were slowly integrated, with measures put in place to balance power between them. Both already had many similar features, including a prominent dualistic nature - where industrial inner city and urban areas vastly outpaced rural economies, which themselves remained heavily reliant on much less commercialised agriculture and fishing trades, in terms of domestic production. A fast developing mining industry was however almost fully concentrated within the People's Republic
, creating a large divide in the industrial capacity between the two states. Post-unification, the 2003 Yanaka Market Reforms sought to address this, as well as establishing the part-privatisation of several major industries, including the country's prominent coal and mineral sectors. Private individuals became key figures in these markets, many of which established enterprises with close ties to the central government. Of these, the Keiger Company was the largest, and rapidly expanded into steel and energy production contributing to significant economic growth. Foreign businesses were also able to operate in Polasciana for the first time, although were required to trade through a Polascianan-based subsidiary.
Crisis
The 2007-2008 economic shocks however forced many companies, including Keiger, into bankruptcy and the government largely reestablished direct control over most major industries as a result. After an initial period of increased government spending to stabilise the economy, particularly on infrastructure projects, a second wave of deregulation - known as the Zilberman reforms, due to their development by government minister Lena Zilberman - followed in 2009. Commercial banks were added to the list of entities able to operate in the country, removing the state monopoly enjoyed by the Bank of Polasciana. New licenses for many traditionally protected industries as well as those fast growing including coal, steel, shipping and mining were also approved. This expansion, alongside increased government spending, stabilised unemployment but rapidly increased both private and public debt. As a result the government signed the 2011 Debt Cap legislation into law - ensuring spending restraint would be implemented once 1.5% annual growth rates were restored. The cap was breached for the first time in 2020.
Features
While heavy industry, agriculture and mining continue to account for the vast majority of Polasciana's economic output, an emerging tourism industry and the development of oil fields on the coast of Olkshoi have contributed to a fundamental shift in the country's underlying economic balance. Some 35% of growth now comes from so-called 'new sectors' - areas of economic development, including energy production, which are heavily supported by the government and designed to shift the economy from over-reliance on more traditional forms of industry. A substantial increase in international trade, including through its accession into the Gallian and Centrican League in 2020, has also seen the country become more exposed to global markets. Agreements with Karakhstan
[34], Kryobaijan
[35] and Sereniérre
have all complemented deals with neighbouring Eiffelland
, Uttania
, Scherbatskaya
, Wiesereich
, the Centrální Republika
, as well as traditional partners Livinia
and Carentania
, where the country both imports and exports manufactured goods and services, as well as energy and raw materials. A developing stocks market also exists, based in Karasicena, but remains primitive. Corruption has also steadily reduced over the past two decades in response to targeted action, often at the local level.
Society
The country’s population and culture is heavily shaped by its most dominant ethnic groups. The vast majority, some 35,400,000, according to the last census conducted in 2011, are Meridian Sar nationals, while Noric Gal’s make up 11,300,000, largely concentrated in more southern states. A further 2.6 million Valle and roughly 750,000 Bari Il’m citizens are also recognised. Disagreements and contradictory interpretations of Polasciana’s history between these communities, and regional neighbours, however, means many aspects of the country’s society remains divided.



National symbols, including the mythical dragon depicted on the nationstate’s coat of arms, as well as traditions and holidays, are therefore often relatively neutral and were chosen at the country’s formation for their lack of historical meaning or ties to particular communities. For the same reason, no formal religion was adopted, although freedom of religion and expression for all is safeguarded in Polasciana’s Union Agreement. Saretic and Centrican Sotrianity, hailing originally from Saria
and the Free States Union
respectively, with the latter overseen by Canton
, are the most commonly and widespread practiced forms of religion, followed only by a small moderate minority Bari Irfanism community. Adoption of religion however has declined in general since unification, with only around 51% of the country’s population identifying as formally practicing, and the population becoming increasingly secular.
Most citizens however do speak a native dialect of Sarian, the country’s official language, although Centrican, Vallesian and Illic are all partially recognised, but not deemed official. The local dialects themselves, while identifiable as distinct, are not however considered unique enough to warrant classification as their own languages. Gallian and Havenish are also widely taught in schools, given their growing influence within the world economy, and are spoken much more widely by younger citizens, but again lack formal status. In many states place names and signs do also utilise a mixture of different languages, dependent on the ethnicities of their communities, despite a lack of formal recognition.
Social policy
Since unification both healthcare and education have been devolved areas of policy to the states, although so-called national ‘standards’ and guidelines have steadily come into place since 2008[36]. These reforms have seen the influence of National Authorities, under the oversight of the Federal Government, increase substantially. This has essentially brought about a more unified and universal federal system in both sectors, as seen in Gallian states such as neighboring Uttania
and Eiffelland
, particularly in terms of access to medication and pharmaceutical products from abroad through the National Health Authority Alliance, as well as certification and examination processes in respect to education under the National Education Commission. Life expectancy and literacy rates have risen dramatically since 2003, catching up to regional standards, while the availability of private provision has also grown during this time.[37]



In general, Polasciana’s public services are seen as adequate, although many aspects are considered aging. Significant investment has been targeted at major cities, leaving rural provision much more mixed, and as a result while the country’s overall level of development is considered high, there is inequality in terms of how this is distributed in practice[38]. In particular, levels of air pollution, effective waste disposal, housing availability and wellbeing varies dramatically across the states. Tackling Intrastate inequity has therefore been a major consideration of governments since unification, with a number of policy responses - including fiscal transfers and additional development aid being put in place. Despite these challenges, Polasciana has become a destination for health tourism and a regional education hub, given its relative performance still far outstripping other regional states such as the Centrální Republika
, Sereniérre
and most notably neighboring Scherbatskaya
.
Culture
Polasciana has a vibrant and diverse cultural heritage, drawing on a rich tapestry of historical influences. Ethno-nationalism in particular sees a range of different traditions, festivals and holidays celebrated in the country. Officially however only New Year’s Day and Foundation Day (May 31) are considered federal holidays, with other holidays, architecture, fashion and cuisine largely varying on a state by state basis. Bologni however is the most famous staple dish nationally, a mixture of meats served with a creamed sauce, while Seraftin is a form of formal dress worn throughout the country. Cibulka dancing is popular in most Sar majority states, while the ancient Rostek drumming technique is a practice still used and learned in many regions.
Literature and media
Famous Sarian writer Rayko Bukovsky heralded from Saracia-Polamar
, while several other prominent poets and novelists are connected with the region. More recently, national broadcaster Polascianan Television, known more commonly by its brand name PTV, was launched in 1998. Since the early 2000s, the country invested in its network technology, upgrading out of date infrastructure onto Gallian standard formats. As a result, the availability of media grew exponentially, with citizens accessing programmes, shows and films from across Gallia, as well as more staple offerings from Sarvaria and Greconia. High-definition television was trialled and then launched in 2010[39]. The building of a journalistic community was also supported during transition, with the country’s national newspaper, The Union Times launching in 1999. Several new print houses and titles have since been launched since, including The Republic in 2020 by businessman Dmitri Trediakovsky, edited by Arseni Valeryevich. Internet connection is also usual in most households, public buildings and private offices and has led to the development of several online commerce and gaming platforms from the country.


in 2009Arts and music
Theatre and cinema are popular pastimes, with several Polascianan actors hailing from Karasicena in particular, due to Karasicena Capital University’s prestigious reputation for arts courses, as well as literature. The most famous of which have become popular couple Anton Krushnev and Natalia Olonov, who have starred in many domestic television productions and films. They presented the 2011 Polascianan Television Awards from the country’s largest indoor venue, the Sevruk Arena[40]. Polasciana has also participated in the Global Music Festival, and its predecessors, since 2007[41]. Famous artists to represent the country include Serebro, Khalib Zaman[42] and Max, who came second at the 2023 edition of the competition in the United Republic
city of Brandon, Polasciana’s best result to date. Despite this, its domestic music industry remains relatively limited, with most media consumption coming from abroad.
Sport
Polasciana has sought to enhance its global reputation internationally through the use of sport, an area where it has excelled. In particular, the country is known for its relatively developed national soccer league. Domestic champions Simininya Karasicena won the 2009 World League final in Erlangen, although both the club and the national team has struggled since - including failing to qualify for several major tournaments. The country’s geography, with ski-worthy mountains and annual fresh snow supplies, most notably in the Niveri/Brezúgg resorts in the Uttan mountains, has seen it become a winter sports powerhouse. After unification, successive governments provided funding, which also led to a successful bid to host the 2008 World Winter Games in Ukhyny[43], although the event was later cancelled. Several cities retain impressive sporting infrastructure, seeing the country host many major competitions in different disciplines. Polasciana also won its first gold medal at the World Games Summer Series at the 2017 edition in Salaam, Jurzan
for soccer, following Marija Uyan's silver in road racing in 2009. The country has since targeted additional medals and success in handball and field sports.
References
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/council.html
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/government.html
- ↑ https://ufed.world/chronicle/2016/10/09/editorial-the-future-of-economic-unionism-in-peril/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://gov.ufed.world/history.html/
- ↑ https://ufed.world/chronicle/2016/10/09/editorial-the-future-of-economic-unionism-in-peril/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2016/11/neighbours-round-on-president-as-niveri-palace-refuses-publication/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2016/11/neighbours-round-on-president-as-niveri-palace-refuses-publication/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2010/12/polls-show-government-hit-by-latest-scandals/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/04/rubin-hints-at-lending-support-to-conservative-government/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/05/vote-defeat-ushers-new-faces-into-reformed-government/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/05/gruaman-casts-ministers-aside-as-deputy-resigns/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/05/arrests-as-overnight-protests-turn-to-violence/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/06/president-lukyanov-urges-gruaman-to-resolve-government-stalemate/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/12/conservatives-pledge-to-renew-in-new-year/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/01/national-holiday-ends-as-artamova-outlines-shared-agenda/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/08/prime-minister-eyes-nicosia-to-flex-foreign-image/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/01/national-holiday-ends-as-artamova-outlines-shared-agenda/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/06/promoted-foreign-minister-extends-invite-to-western-neighbour/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/04/economic-forecasts-raised-as-karakhstan-deal-set-for-approval/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/07/construction-begins-for-controversial-olkshoi-oil-platforms/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/08/yanaka-pledges-assistance-to-sikandara/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/06/potenza-withdrawal-from-zamosca-prompts-polascianan-action/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2019/02/government-faces-debt-decision-as-economic-growth-outperforms-projections/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2020/05/farming-exports-drive-revised-economic-forecast-as-national-output-increases/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/04/economic-forecasts-raised-as-karakhstan-deal-set-for-approval/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/07/construction-begins-for-controversial-olkshoi-oil-platforms/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/06/rubin-hints-at-new-education-reform/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2014/12/a-generation-in-politics-is-a-long-time/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2024/01/political-deal-returns-serbin-to-assembly-with-governing-majority/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2010/12/first-hd-broadcasts-due-for-transmission/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2011/07/stars-set-to-gather-for-annual-television-awards/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2009/10/polasciana-gets-ready-to-host-europes-biggest-music-event/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2020/10/khalib-selected-by-ptv-to-sing-emotive-song-love-at-2020-globe-fest-with-amala/
- ↑ https://uniontimes.ufed.world/2012/01/olympic-bid-ruled-out-after-lack-of-support/